Scope changes
Name the approving party, the payer and the effect on the public maximum.
You wouldn’t renovate your own kitchen this way: the contractor names the price, you commit the money, and the itemized bid arrives after you’ve signed. That is the order of operations both governments voted for in August, and the order the December documents can still reverse.
Neither August vote spent a dollar, and that is the problem. What got voted was the number, and the number is the one thing that never gets renegotiated. The scope comes later, written by the people receiving the money.
“to be attached” Verified is what Exhibit A, the itemized $573M budget in the City’s July draft, said instead of numbers. The term sheet Council adopted on August 12 carries the same $573M and still needs a reconciled funding plan and a complete project budget.
The County pointed its protections at its own wallet. The City gave its protections to a committee that doesn’t exist yet. Neither requires the one thing a homeowner would demand: an itemized bid, checked by their own inspector.
Verified describes what a source says, not that a proposed obligation is signed or funded. The reconciled ledger and sources →
Legally, no, and officials will correctly say so. The County’s August 6 resolution is an affirmation plus instructions; its money still requires an intergovernmental agreement, a county-code change, and budget votes in 2027 and 2028. The City’s August 12 term sheet is nonbinding; its money still requires the definitive documents, due by December 31 with a Council vote targeted for December 17, and budget actions after that. Every vote below is a toll gate where the public can still speak and conditions can still be attached:
But here is why “nonbinding” is cold comfort. In public deals, the number voted first becomes the anchor every later number is measured against, while the scope stays fluid. Not immovable: August 12 proved that, when a floor amendment moved the proposed rent from a dollar to $3.17M a year at commencement and a cross-bloc package passed 12–0. What an anchor does is shift the burden: after August, changing $573M requires someone to reopen a settled figure, and “we already committed” answers the scope question without ever examining it. The check isn’t blank. It is worse: the amount is pre-filled, and the payee writes the memo line later.
SB 1501 §5 conditions issuance and specified tax transfers on the executed lease and sufficient local commitments. Local commitments therefore cannot simply be conditioned on bonds already existing in a way that defeats the statute. Use a legally coordinated closing with separately defined construction and disbursement gates.
SB 1501 §4 tax capture runs through the statutory period based on the later of lease expiration and debt payoff. A contract cannot alone end capture at payoff while a longer lease continues. The statutory quarterly reporting provision sunsets January 2, 2032, so permanent reporting must be contractual.
The law requires expert comparables work; it does not expressly require a separate published final-deal-terms report in the form the former Register demanded. That can be a new public approval requirement. December is a consequential local negotiating/administrative target, not a signing cliff written into SB 1501. State tranche authorizations and practical issuance lead time still constrain delay.
Sources: Enrolled SB 1501 · Enrolled SB 5701 · August 12 City term sheet
On August 6, in a council session called to consider amendments, Councilor Mitch Green, an economist, put a spreadsheet on the screen and showed what the term sheet commits beyond construction capital. Exhibit D pledges a second commitment: up to $275 million of Moda Center user fees, Blazers parking revenue and Veterans Memorial Coliseum income, committed to the arena over twenty years. The public ledger states the framework this way: $573 million of public renovation funding and up to $288.6 million of continuing support before financing; the $861.6M sum is neither a present value nor a binding all-in expenditure. Green’s arithmetic on the floor, in his words:
We have been talking to the public that this is a $573 million project… But what this clause does is say this deal is actually an $848 million project… And that is before interest.Councilor Mitch Green, Portland City Council, August 6, 2026 Verified
The mechanism matters as much as the number. Because that revenue is pre-committed, the City cannot borrow against it, which is why councilors have been told there is no money in the Spectator Facilities Fund for the City’s $120 million share, leaving the Portland Clean Energy Fund and the general fund as the remaining candidates. Green’s amendment would have freed that stream to bond against, funding the City’s entire share without touching PCEF or cutting services. He said plainly it would move him to yes on the term sheet.
It failed, 5–7. So did every other amendment offered that day: a rent line on a building the City owns and currently leases for one dollar a year (failed 6–6), a private-capital contribution from an ownership group that paid $4.25 billion for the franchise (5–7), a share of naming-rights revenue (5–7), an increase in the arena user fee from 6% to 7%, with the added point going to the City unrestricted instead of back into the building (6–6), a larger payment in lieu of property taxes (6–6), a requirement that Council receive a funding-source and opportunity-cost report 30 days before any vote (5–7), and a single sentence directing the Mayor to negotiate any return on investment at all (6–6). Eleven amendments reached a recorded vote. Zero adopted. [Correction, August 8: this page previously said “seventeen amendments.” More than eleven were filed, but eleven is the number that came to a roll call, and eleven is the number we can verify from the session record.]
Do you want a return on this investment?Councilor Sameer Kanal, before the final vote of the day, which failed 6–6 Verified
The reason given was not that the ideas were wrong. The Council President stated before the first amendment was introduced that he would oppose all of them, because they had not been cleared with the administration’s negotiating team in advance. Councilors also established on the record that this was their only opening: executive sessions cannot take votes under Oregon’s public meetings law, and amendments at the December definitive-documents stage would come after the negotiation is finished. Councilors described August 12 as up or down. It did not turn out to be: eleven amendments failed on August 6, and on August 12 a twelve-vote package and a rent increase both carried. That is the strongest evidence on this page that the December documents are movable too, and the reason the scope gate below is worth asking for now.
Two more things about this money deserve plain statement. First, the $275 million pre-commitment does something subtler than block a bond. Money that can only be spent on the building is money the building’s operator has every reason to spend: once venue revenue is earmarked for arena capital, another club level, another scoreboard, another hospitality suite costs the operator approximately nothing to want. Without eligibility standards, an independent lifecycle plan, and an owner contribution formula, that stream is not a maintenance fund. It is a standing invitation. Second, a correction to this page, dated August 8. We wrote here that nothing says who pays when the project runs over. That was wrong, and the term sheet is better than we described: “All costs for the Renovation will be the sole responsibility of, and be paid for by, Rip City, except for the Public Funding Contribution… Anything in excess of the Renovation Budget as shown in Exhibit A is the responsibility of Rip City,” and the ownership entity is to provide “an unconditional guaranty.” That is a real protection and it should be said plainly.
What is wrong with it is subtler, and worse. An overrun is measured against a budget, and the budget is Exhibit A, the page that reads “to be attached.” The same clause then provides that “Rip City will provide an updated Renovation Budget to be set forth in the Definitive Agreements.” So the party that bears every dollar above the baseline is the party that writes the baseline, after the public money is already committed. A guaranty against overrun is only as strong as the baseline it is measured from, and a baseline the paying party writes for itself, after the public money is committed and with no independent line-by-line check, is one nobody has tested for padding. The protection is real. The number it protects against does not exist yet, the counterparty holds the pen, and no one has agreed to referee it.
Every private construction project runs in one order: scope, then budget, then commitment. This deal ran in reverse. The proof is in the City’s own July 16 draft term sheet, obtained under public records law. It priced the renovation at $573,000,000, “as itemized and shown in Exhibit A,” “based upon information to be verified.” Exhibit A was an empty page:
NTD: Estimated Renovation Budget to be attached.Exhibit A to the City’s draft term sheet, July 16, 2026 · production 471144_00011 Verified · the full document story →
Meanwhile, the only independent scope document in existence is the City’s 2024 facility condition assessment, and it prices upkeep rather than a renovation: the VSG workbook sums to $252.9 million at its 2024 cost basis, a lifecycle capital figure, not a transformation price. No document anywhere in three governments’ processes reconciles the $573M ask to any scope at all. The number didn’t come from a scope. So the scope will be reverse-engineered to consume the number. Inspect the assessment line by line →
At the July 30 work session, the City confirmed the genealogy on the record (per the session’s caption record): the winter talks set a “$600 million… target,” the earlier floated ask, that the NBA was “validating,” and “573 was us getting as close to that 600” from the three governments’ combined capacity, while the NBA, councilors confirmed, never requested $573M specifically. And the deputy administrator, in the same session: “we still don’t know what 573 is getting us.” A target validated by the league, assembled from what governments could pay, itemized by no one.
It gets one step worse. The draft said the budget would be “updated… in the Definitive Agreements,” meaning the team writes the baseline after the money is committed, and whatever it writes becomes the baseline. The adopted term sheet keeps that sequence. That matters because the deal’s best protection, cost overruns belong to the team, only bites above the budget. If the counterparty drafts the budget after the commitment, padding isn’t an overrun. It’s the budget. A padded budget is an overrun the public pays in advance.
In August, the bill’s own sponsor confirmed all of this on camera. Asked by KGW’s Tim Gordon about the state’s $365 million, Sen. Kate Lieber said the quiet part in sequence: “we don’t have architectural renderings… it’s a little chicken or egg… when you renovate your house, it depends on the budget”; the amount was “what they wanted from the state… between 500 and 600 million in this capital sort of stack, and that’s what we tried to put together”; and its purpose was a message to the league during the sale: “so that the NBA would… basically say to the new owner… they’re coming in with a really good package here. It’s a market deal… now you need to stay and negotiate a long term lease.” Asked whether the owner should contribute a couple hundred million: “it was not something that was overwhelmingly needed at the time.”
We knew that what they wanted from the state… was between 500 and 600 million in this capital sort of stack, and that’s what we tried to put together.Sen. Kate Lieber, co-chair, Ways & Means, interview with Tim Gordon, KGW, August 2026 · video, from the 7:38 mark
That is the blank-check mechanism described by the person who wrote the largest check: no drawings, an amount set by the recipient’s ask, assembled as a signal to the league, and no private contribution required, because no one thought to ask.
Both governments have written real protections. The question is what each one actually covers, and when it can still be used.
Verdict: strong for the County’s own wallet, and honest: its own spreadsheet prices the true cost at $138.6M with interest, not the $101.6M headline. But its clawback runs against the City, because the team isn’t a party to anything the County signs, and its own timeline has it adopting the IGA in December, before the lease exists. A lock, pointed at its own wallet, installed before reading the policy.
Verdict: insufficient, and the City is the party that can least afford it. It owns the building and carries the largest exposure: $120M in cash, up to $275M of arena revenue recycled into the building over 20 years (Exhibit D), plus a maintenance claim it would be asked to release before anyone has valued it. Paper rights, exercisable later, by bodies that will have already spent their leverage.
The shared gap is the fatal one: no independent scope referee. The state law funding this deal (SB 1501 §6(2)(a)) already requires the State to retain an arena-negotiations expert during this negotiation. The State’s PFM comparables review has surfaced; a deal-terms review of rent, relocation and revenue shares has not, and the statute does not expressly require one to be published. The only independent scope document in existence is the City’s 2024 condition assessment, a lifecycle forecast that prices upkeep, not the renovation, sitting on its own shelf.
Five fixes, all still available before the December documents. They are not free of schedule: an independent owner’s-representative reconciliation of an itemized arena budget against the City’s own condition assessment and an independent estimate of the renovation scope is a six-to-ten-week engagement costing a few hundred thousand dollars, and it has to start before the December vote rather than beside it. That is the honest price. Against $573M committed for twenty years it is the cheapest insurance on the table, and construction cannot begin before the definitive agreements in any case, so the work fits inside the calendar the deal already has.
Coordinate statutory prerequisites and construction funding. Do not create a circular closing condition.
A public maximum is only as good as its behavior when the project goes wrong. Four cases decide whether $573M is a ceiling or a first installment.
Name the approving party, the payer and the effect on the public maximum.
Commit completion funding before the public money is exhausted.
Define a safe, funded phase and who carries bridging costs.
Protect unfinished work, public title and a practical transition.
Require mature scope, independent estimates, schedule, contingencies, eligible uses and acceptance. Separate new investment from existing duties. Tie each draw to work certification, matching contributions and sufficient remaining funds. Allocate every overrun and change category explicitly.
Sources: August 12 City term sheet
Specify maximum exposure by government, account, year and use, including financing, enabling work, utilities and administration. Preserve receipt-conditioned continuing support. A scope change or accounting label must not silently turn a ceiling into a guarantee.
None of this is exotic. It is how every bank, every insurer, and every homeowner in Portland commits money to construction: the bid first, the check second. The City’s own Exhibit A said “to be attached.” Attach it first.
The votes are toll gates, and the public owns three instruments at every one of them.
What you can actually do →Sources: the City’s produced July 16 draft term sheet and exhibits (public records production C471144/C471148), the August 12 City term sheet as amended, the County’s published resolution, amendments, presentation, and funding framework for the August 6 special meeting, the 2024 VSG facility condition assessment with the City’s June 3, 2026 memorandum, and enrolled SB 1501 and SB 5701. Full document trail: The Paper Trail · The Public Balance Sheet · the correction record.