June 9, 2026 · the City set the clock

Portland published its proposal — $573M, every dollar public, $0 from ownership — and opened a public survey. Term-sheet vote Aug 12. Final lease vote Dec 17. The lease terms aren’t written yet. This is the window to set them.

Tom Dundon's standard: a market deal

Rip City,
Not Rip Off

Renovate Moda. Keep the Blazers. Make a deal, not a donation.

The Moda Center is our house — the public owns it. A landlord doesn’t fund the tenant’s renovation and hand back the rent.

We’re just going to get a market deal and we’re going to be fully committed to it.

Asked whether ownership would have “skin in the game,” Dundon said public representatives should negotiate terms that are “great for them.” We took him at his word: we wrote the market deal — line by line, every term sourced to a deal his side already signed in Raleigh.

Read the Fair-Deal Term Sheet →
Tom Dundon · Blazers introductory press conference, April 2, 2026 · full video
$1B+
Public commitment at stake
$0
Current public return disclosed
Email all 12 councilors — 2 min → See all 3 ways to act ↓
Scroll to learn more
In plain English
  1. 1

    Portland owns the Moda Center. The public — not the team — owns the building and the land under it.

  2. 2

    The City is about to commit $1 billion+ in public money to renovate it — for an owner who just bought the Blazers for $4.25B, pays $1 a year in rent, and is being asked to contribute $0.

  3. 3

    Council can require a fair deal before committing that money — and they vote Aug 12.

You don’t have to be against the Blazers to want a fair deal. We’re fans — keep the team, renovate Moda, just get a fair lease first.

The ask is simple: publish the lease terms and land inside a market range before the Aug 12 vote.

What Portland should get back

Tom Dundon says he wants a market deal. Good — so let’s measure it. Here is what peer NBA cities secured for the public when tax dollars built the arena — seven things a market deal returns, each priced line-by-line on the Fair-Deal Terms.

Gov. Kotek has urged city and county leaders to confirm their commitments, while the City's own materials say the new Blazers lease terms have not yet been negotiated — so there’s still time to get them right. Council holds the leverage: under SB 1501, no bonds issue and no public money moves until the City signs. The win isn’t signing by a deadline — it’s publishing the terms and landing inside a defensible market range first.

What a deal returns
The market standard · 20 yrs
The deal on the table
Owner helps build it
Private capital into the project
$245M
peers paid 18–62% · Cleveland, Indianapolis
$0
0%
Rent to play here
Team pays to use the building
$121M
his own 2024 Raleigh deal
$0
$1 / year
Property tax (or equivalent)
A PILOT on the upgraded value
~$290M
$8.25M → $16.5M/yr after the upgrade
~$0
tax-exempt
Share of new premium revenue
A cut of what public money builds
~$100M
18% of premium/club, above a baseline
$0
keeps it all
Development on the tax rolls
Rose Quarter ground rent + taxes
~$160M
his own signed Raleigh milestones
$0
operator-exclusive
Event-parking revenue
The City’s own garages
~$70M
30% of gross event parking
$0
+ a 25% fee
Ticket-fee carve-outs closed
Fees booked at full value
~$50M
mostly fan-paid
$0
none
+ The protections
that make the money enforceable
Real relocation damages & clawback · a 30-year term · full audit & public-records rights · a $50M guarantee · the ~$164M repair claim he already owes, collected not waived. The deal on the table: none of it.
$1.1–1.2B
a market deal · 20 yrs
$0
the deal on the table
On every measure of a market deal, the public’s share is zero.

Even the conservative, average-city floor is $450–600M — before the property-tax piece. Portland is committing $1.02B+ and getting none of it back: the only NBA deal that returns zero.

Every figure is a 20-year value, priced line-by-line with its peer precedent and the contract section it comes from on the Fair-Deal Terms. The seven cash terms shown total about $1.04B at conservative mid-estimates; the repair claim the operator already owes (~$164M) brings the count-once package to $1.1–1.2B. The $450–600M floor is the peer mean — what an average city negotiated — before a tax-equivalent PILOT. No NBA city has ended up net-positive; Portland’s is the only deal returning zero on every line.

This is the standard, not a single fixed demand. City Council should not commit the public’s money until the lease terms are public and can be measured against it.

Video evidence · Adam Silver on Portland

What Silver actually said

Two common pressure lines are that Portland is too small to have leverage, and that the NBA would be indifferent if the Blazers left. Silver's own Portland interview cuts against both.

Portland is not too small

When asked whether Portland is a small city, Silver points to a metro area of roughly 2.5 million people and says Portland is larger than most American cities.

Source clip: NBA Commissioner Adam Silver with Brooke Olzendam, Portland Trail Blazers, March 13, 2026.

The NBA values Portland

Silver describes the franchise's long history, the league's Portland/Nike relationship, and why the NBA would not want the Blazers to leave.

Source clip: NBA Commissioner Adam Silver with Brooke Olzendam, Portland Trail Blazers, March 13, 2026.

Do this now

Three ways to act — pick one

Councilors set the terms before the August 12 vote. They count constituents and check claims. Here is how to be counted — from two minutes to testimony — on the official timeline the City just published.

2 minutes
Email all 12 councilors
The fastest, highest-impact way to be counted. Our ready-to-send tool puts a fact-checked message in front of every member of Council — edit it, make it yours, hit send. 1,560+ residents already have.
Email Council →
5 minutes
Take the City’s survey
Tell Council what a fair lease looks like. It’s the official channel feeding the term sheet — and the input is reviewed before the August 12 vote.
Open the survey →
Before the vote
Testify — get the hearing alert
The term-sheet (Aug 12) and final-lease (Dec 17) votes both take public testimony. Leave your email and we’ll tell you the moment each hearing is scheduled.
How testimony works — and a script

Both votes take public comment — you can speak in person or send written testimony through the City’s process, and speakers usually get a couple of minutes. Leave your email above and we’ll send the exact date, time, and sign-up link the moment the hearing is posted, so you can plan and prepare.

A script you can adapt: “Hi, I’m [name], a [neighborhood] resident. The Moda Center is publicly owned. Please don’t commit public money until the lease terms, revenue waterfall, and ROI model are published and land inside a market range. Will you commit to publishing the terms before the August 12 vote?”

Whatever channel you use — email, the hearing, or any public meeting — put a specific, hard-to-dodge question to your councilor, and ask for an answer on the record.

14 questions to ask your councilor
  1. Seattle's city-owned Climate Pledge Arena was rebuilt for about $1.15B with no City financing. Why is Portland being asked to do the opposite?
  2. Why is Tom Dundon's ownership group listed at $0 when most comparable public arena renovations required private money, rent, or revenue sharing?
  3. If state, city, and county taxpayers are committing over $1B all-in, what comes back to Portland's General Fund?
  4. Why call this a $573M or $600M renovation when the 20-year public commitment is $1.02B–$1.11B?
  5. Who is negotiating for Portland, and what market-rate terms will make you vote no if they are missing?
  6. Will Council require private funding or repayment for suites, clubs, bars, retail, and other revenue upgrades the operator keeps?
  7. Will the lease, revenue waterfall, cost basis, and ROI model be public before the August 12 term-sheet vote?
  8. Why should PCEF, Prosper Portland, or city tax money go into the arena before the owner puts in a dollar?
  9. The 2024 bridge lease capped the City's share and put capital duties on the operator. Why is the permanent deal worse for the public?
  10. Will any rent or revenue sharing reach the General Fund, or will it just recycle inside the Arena Fund?
  11. If relocation is not a threat, will the team sign a real non-relocation covenant covering the full public investment?
  12. Will every councilor disclose and decline team hospitality, suite invitations, and private meetings during the negotiation?
  13. Which line items are genuine repair, which are revenue upgrades, and who pays for each bucket?
  14. If the City cannot answer these questions in public, why is it ready to vote?

The clock · the City’s own dates

You are here

Every date below is the City’s, from its June 9 timeline. The whole deal is decided by December 17 — the state bonds expire mid-December — and the terms get set first, at the August 12 term-sheet vote.

June 9
City publishes its proposal & the timeline
You are here
June 13–14
Park listening sessions + the public survey
July
PCEF & Prosper Portland review the fund uses
Aug 12
Council votes on the term sheet — the terms get set
Aug–Dec
Negotiating team finalizes the lease
Dec 17
Final lease vote — the City calls this a hard deadline. The laws don’t. *
* The deadline, fact-checked — we read both laws

Neither law Oregon enacted for this deal contains a December 2026 — or January 2027 — deadline. We searched the full enrolled text of both: SB 1501 (the Arena Fund law — no date at all) and SB 5701 (the bill that actually authorizes the bonds). The only enacted time limits are biennium boundaries: the first $200M of bonding authority is issuable through June 30, 2027 (§4), and the remaining $165M is already enacted law for the biennium beginning July 1, 2027 (§6) — it cannot “go away” in December.

What mid-December actually protects is a bond-sale calendar slot: the Treasurer’s last routine sale of this biennium falls in early spring 2027, with readiness review starting ~3 months earlier. Miss it, and — in OPB’s own words — “state lawmakers have a chance to introduce an identical bill” when the 2027 session convenes in mid-January. The City’s facts page, which asserts the December requirement without citing any statute, schedules the binding “definitive documents” vote for Q1 2027 on the same page. And the team is locked into Moda through October 2030 (extendable to 2035) regardless.

The clock is real — a slip costs a construction season and political momentum, and re-passage takes a real vote. But the cliff is rhetorical. A deadline driving a billion-dollar signature should be able to cite its statute — and this one can't. That gives Council the room to negotiate on the merits, not against a stopwatch.

Why your two minutes matters

How the terms actually change

The state’s $365M can’t move without the City — SB 1501, Section 5 requires Portland’s binding commitment first. So the Council vote is the gate, and the August 12 term sheet is where the terms get set.

Councilors respond to two things: constituents they can count and claims they can check. We provide both — you, through the survey, emails, pop-ups, and testimony; us, through a counter-term-sheet where every line cites a document.

When the City’s term sheet meets ours, the question in the room becomes: why is Portland’s deal worse than what this same owner already signed in Raleigh? Asked on the record, that question is how the terms change.

This is working

What the City now says — that it didn’t in February

February 2026
  • Closed-door negotiations under an NDA; councilors openly split.
  • No public timeline, no published funding stack.
  • The press described officials as “playing not to lose.”
June 9, 2026
  • Published the full $573M funding stack — and that ownership’s share is $0.
  • Published a public timeline and opened listening sessions and a survey.
  • Now says it wants a steep penalty if the team leaves — a term, on the record.

The City moved. 1,560+ residents have emailed Council, and the deal has been covered by OPB, KGW, KATU, KOIN, Willamette Week, and The Oregonian. None of this was the public posture four months ago — pressure on the record is what changed it.

Reading the City's June 9 page closely

The City's page vs. the City's own documents

The City's facts page is a start — here are three places it doesn't match the City's own documents. Not a hot take. Just the numbers.

The City says

The 2024 assessment — “not updated for inflation” — shows $482M to maintain the building.

The City's document says

$482M is the inflated number — the study's $505M 20-year plan minus the finished scoreboard and decommissioned ice plant ($23M) — and that plan already escalates costs 3.5%–3% every year for 20 years. The same study's today's-dollars figure is ~$253M, less than half. The reconciliation →

The City says

The arena “generates $600 million for the local economy.”

The City's consultant says

That's “total output” — gross churn. The same study puts actual tax revenue to all state and local government at $17.9M a year ($11.3M from the Blazers), and almost half the headline is a modeled multiplier on money nobody spent. The numbers, decoded →

The City says

“No money would go to the Trail Blazers or their ownership.”

The City's signed lease says

The operator — Dundon-owned Rip City Management — runs the building and keeps the revenue from every event, and the 2024 lease routes the City's ticket user fees and parking revenue back to the operator as the “City Contribution” (§10.9). The City's page even concedes the principle — no public dollars for “tenant-specific upgrades like an owner's box.” Now apply it to the ~$341M of suites, clubs, bars, and retail in the City's own study. Who keeps the revenue →

The City says

The state has committed to contribute up to $365 million.

The enrolled bill says

“The State of Oregon and the Legislative Assembly do not have a legal obligation to deposit moneys in the fund… The Legislative Assembly declares its current intention to issue debt instruments sufficient to yield $365,000,000” (SB 1501 §3(4)). An intention is not a commitment — so the City should not make binding commitments against a non-binding one. Council's obligations should be expressly conditioned on actual bond issuance.

The City says

“To fulfill the bond requirements, a new lease… must be signed by December 2026. Without this, the City will not receive State funding.”

The enrolled laws say

Neither law contains that deadline — and the City's page cites no statute for it. SB 5701's first $200M of bonding authority runs through June 30, 2027 (§4); the remaining $165M is already enacted for the biennium starting July 1, 2027 (§6); SB 1501 has no date at all. If December slips, OPB itself reports lawmakers “have a chance to introduce an identical bill” in the session convening mid-January — and the City's same page schedules the binding vote for Q1 2027. The deadline, fact-checked →

The City writes its term sheet for Aug 12. We already wrote ours.

The Fair-Deal Term Sheet — rent, revenue share, naming rights, a relocation penalty, and more — with every line sourced to a deal Tom Dundon’s side already signed in Raleigh, or the City already signed in the 2024 bridge lease.

Read our terms →

The evidence · every number sourced

Nine findings. Nine deep dives.

The full case lives on dedicated pages — each built from primary documents: the City's own study, the executed 2024 lease, the enrolled bill, and 16 verified peer deals. Here's the map.

What he already makes
$100M+/yr from a $1 building
Dundon's group keeps ~$100M+ a year in revenue from the publicly-owned Moda Center it rents for $1 — about $2.5B over the lease — and the enterprise just sold for $4.25B. Now he wants $1B+ in public money to make it bigger.
The Moda Center money map →
The City's own study
$253M vs the $600M ask
The City-commissioned VSG assessment prices today's full scope at ~$253M (~$505M over 20 years) — and labels ~$341M of the plan revenue-generating upgrades for suites, clubs, bars, and retail, not necessary repair.
The $253M→$505M→$600M reconciliation →
The economic-impact claim
$17.9M actual tax, not "$600M"
“Generates $600M for the local economy” is gross churn. The City's own consultant puts actual tax revenue at $17.9M/yr ($11.3M from the Blazers) — and SB 1501 diverts even that into the Arena Fund, including the team's own payroll withholding.
Every number, decoded →
Every NBA deal since 2013
16 deals. 1 outlier.
Cleveland renovated a comparable publicly owned arena for $185M (62% private); Atlanta for $192.5M (26%). Portland's $600M ask is the only deal in the set with zero private capital, zero rent, zero revenue share, and no relocation penalty.
All 16 deals, compared →
What peer cities get back
~$100M peer average · Portland: $0
San Antonio gets $195M back over its lease; Raleigh $75M+ in rent; Milwaukee $60M; OKC $55M+; D.C. $52M. Portland's current return on a ~$1B commitment: $0 — no rent, no share, no naming, no surcharge.
The returns, sourced →
The owner's own deal
$4.5M→$5.5M/yr rent — in Raleigh
This same ownership pays rent in Raleigh, put ~$10M up front, committed $800M of development by year 20 — on the county tax rolls, with 10% affordable housing, negotiated by the public's own representative. Portland's proposal so far: none of the above.
The full Raleigh mapping, line by line →
Correction (Mar 1, 2026): an earlier version of this page misattributed Dan Barrett's Raleigh role — he was retained by the public side (Centennial Authority). He now represents the Blazers in Portland.
The relocation threat
$1.47–$5.74B what leaving would cost
A move has to beat NBA approval, a league-set fee, a destination arena, and a revenue reset — and in March the NBA made Seattle and Las Vegas expansion markets, not relocation threats. No confirmed superior package exists. The team can play at Memorial Coliseum fee-free regardless.
The full relocation analysis →
Why Portland can win
Gated twice by the City's signature
Under enrolled SB 1501 §5, no bonds issue and no tax-capture transfers flow until the City signs and commits. The statute's own protections are required “at a minimum” — the legislature wrote the floors; everything above them is Council's to negotiate.
The leverage, with the statute →
The standard for a yes vote
4 gates before any vote
Cost basis reconciled to the City's study · revenue waterfall published · General-Fund ROI shown · lease terms benchmarked against peers. And every councilor should be able to say, on the record, what terms would make them vote no — while declining team hospitality during the negotiation.
The term sheet & process gates →
In the press KATU interview KGW: negotiate a better deal WW: “playing not to lose” CBS Sports Wake Up Rip City John Oliver on stadium deals Reporters: press kit & contact →

This campaign is for you, too

Whoever you are, a fair lease serves your stake better than the deal on the table does.

If you’re a fan

We’re fans first. The surest way to keep the Blazers isn’t a blank check — it’s a published, enforceable lease that binds the team here (a real non-relocation covenant, a 30-year term). Demanding a fair deal is how you keep the team, not how you lose it.

Why a move is a bluff →
If you work the trades

We want this built — union, with a project labor agreement, local hire and apprenticeship. A published lease with a real cost cap is what locks the jobs in; a rushed, over-budget deal is what puts the build at risk. The renovation is one job; the Rose Quarter district is decades of work.

The terms that protect the build →
If you’re in the neighborhood

Because the public owns the building and holds the leverage, a fair lease is the moment to bind community benefits into the district — affordable housing, local hire, anti-displacement, and a real Albina Vision Trust role. Those only happen if they’re in the lease before the vote, not “negotiated later.”

The community-benefit terms →

Frequently asked questions

Straight answers to the arguments we hear most — from people who want to keep the Blazers and protect the public. Each answer links to the deeper analysis.

"The City says no money would go to the Trail Blazers. Isn't that the end of the argument?"

It's a definition, not a fact — and it defines the question away. Three things the sentence skips:

  • The building's revenue is private. The operator — Rip City Management, owned by the same group that owns the team — runs the Moda Center and keeps the revenue from every event: Blazers games, concerts, the Winterhawks, all of it. Renovating the machine that prints the operator's revenue is value to the ownership, whoever the check is made out to.
  • Public money already flows to the operator. Under the lease the City signed in 2024, the City's ticket user fees and parking revenues are paid to the operator as the “City Contribution” (Arena Operating Lease §10.9). That's not a prediction; it's an executed contract.
  • The City's own principle proves the point. Its facts page says no public dollars for “tenant-specific upgrades like an owner's box.” We agree — that's exactly our standard. Now apply it honestly: the City's own study labels ~$341M of the 20-year plan as renovation and refresh of suites, clubs, bars, retail, and fan-revenue technology. By the City's own rule, that's the operator's bill — or it comes with rent and revenue sharing attached.

Who keeps the revenue, line by line — in the Renovation Study.

"Doesn't the lease have to be signed by December? There's no time to negotiate."

That's the claim — so we read both laws. Neither contains a December deadline.

  • SB 1501 (the Arena Fund law) contains no date at all — only conditions: the bonds can't issue until the City signs. That's leverage, not a stopwatch.
  • SB 5701 (the bill that actually authorizes the bonds) sets only biennium windows: the first $200M runs through June 30, 2027 (§4), and the remaining $165M is already enacted law for the biennium starting July 1, 2027 (§6) — it cannot “go away” in December.
  • What December actually protects is a bond-sale calendar slot — the Treasurer's last routine sale of this biennium lands in early spring 2027. Miss it and, in OPB's own words, lawmakers “have a chance to introduce an identical bill” when the 2027 session convenes in mid-January. The state's own bond guide calls next-biennium reauthorization the routine remedy.
  • The City's own page undercuts the “hard cutoff”: it asserts the December requirement without citing any statute — and schedules the binding “definitive documents” vote for Q1 2027 on the same page. The team is locked into Moda through October 2030 (extendable to 2035) regardless.

The honest version: a slip costs a construction season and political momentum, and re-passage takes a real vote — the clock is real, the cliff is rhetorical. A good deal in February beats a bad deal in December. The fact-check, with the statutes →

"Portland is a small-market city. Don't we have no leverage?"

That is not how Adam Silver described Portland when he was here. Asked directly whether Portland is a small city, Silver pointed to the metro area's roughly 2.5 million people and said Portland is larger than most American cities.

Silver: Portland is larger than most cities

The league's own commissioner undercuts the “too small to negotiate” talking point. Portland is a real NBA market with real leverage.

Source clip: NBA Commissioner Adam Silver with Brooke Olzendam, Portland Trail Blazers, March 13, 2026.

That does not mean Portland can dictate anything it wants. It means Council should negotiate from the reality that Portland is not begging for a team in a marginal market — it owns the building, has a state-backed renovation path, and is already the home of an NBA franchise.

"If we don't pay, won't we lose the team — like Seattle lost the Sonics?"

We want to keep the Blazers, and a fair deal is how you keep them — not a blank check. Three things to weigh:

  • The leverage isn't what it was. In March 2026 the NBA Board of Governors voted to explore expansion in Seattle and Las Vegas — the two cities always named as the relocation threat. Expansion means those markets get their own teams (and pay the league a multi-hundred-million-dollar fee), which removes them as places to poach Portland's franchise. Austin, Nashville, Kansas City and San Diego aren't TV-market upgrades; Raleigh is unproven; Vancouver and Mexico City are long-term concepts.
  • The real lesson of the Sonics is the lease, not the subsidy. Seattle didn't lose the Sonics for being too stingy — the out-of-town group that bought the team in 2006 intended to move to Oklahoma City all along. Despite a contractual "good-faith" promise to try to stay, a co-owner admitted "we didn't buy the team to keep it in Seattle" (a $250K NBA fine), and the owners' own emails — one called himself "a man possessed" to move — showed relocation was the plan from day one. No arena subsidy would have changed that. What did protect Seattle's taxpayers was its binding KeyArena lease: the city enforced it and the owners paid ~$45M (up to $75M) to leave early (ESPN). A determined owner leaves regardless — so the lease terms, not the size of the handout, are the public's real protection.
  • Keeping the team and a fair lease aren't opposites. The team was just bought for ~$4.25B by owners who valued it as a Portland franchise, on a lease running through 2030 (extendable to 2035). Every city that kept its team still negotiated rent, revenue share, and relocation penalties — "pay anything or lose them" is the oldest play in sports.

Silver: the NBA does not want Portland to lose the Blazers

Silver discusses the franchise's history, Portland's importance to the league, and the NBA's relationship with Nike — the opposite of “the league does not care.”

Source clip: NBA Commissioner Adam Silver with Brooke Olzendam, Portland Trail Blazers, March 13, 2026.

Full breakdown — every market, the NBA expansion vote, and what real relocation would require — in the Relocation Analysis.

"The city owns the building now — isn't maintaining it just the public's job?"

This is the strongest argument for funding, so it's worth being precise. Yes, the City owns the Moda Center — which is exactly why the 2024 bridge lease the City already signed put the burden where it belongs:

  • The operator funds capital — not the taxpayer. Under the executed Arena Operating Lease (§10.9), the City's contribution is capped at "no more than fifty percent (50%) of the actual expenditures paid by [the operator]," matched to Blazers game-day revenue — and (§10.9.1) repaid if the team leaves. "We own it, so we pay" is not what the City's own lease says.
  • Repair is not the same as revenue upgrades. Maintaining a public building means a sound roof, working systems, safe exits — about $164M of genuine repair in the city's own study. It does not mean taxpayers funding $300M+ of new premium suites, clubs, and bars that generate revenue the operator keeps.
  • The "public" building generates private revenue. The operator — Rip City Management, now Dundon-owned — runs the arena and keeps the event revenue. The building is public; the profits are private. That's the whole problem.

See repair vs. revenue, who paid and who profited, and the bridge lease vs. the proposed deal.

"Isn't $600M reasonable? The city's own study said ~$505M, and construction is expensive."

The number isn't really the issue — who pays for what is. But the framing is also off:

  • $505M is a 20-year figure, not today's cost. The city's study prices today's full scope at about $253M in current dollars; the $505M is that same scope escalated and repeated over 20 years — it already includes two decades of inflation. So "add inflation to $505M" double-counts it, and the $600M ask is above even that 20-year ceiling.
  • Comps usually hide a big private share. Utah's ~$900M and MSG's ~$1B projects involved large private contributions and different scopes. The number that matters is the public's share and what comes back, not the headline.
  • The real question is the split. Roughly $164M is genuine repair; the rest is revenue-generating upgrades the operator captures.

Line-by-line reconciliation of the $253M / $505M / $600M figures: the renovation analysis.

"Isn't this just armchair second-guessing of the pros who estimated $505M?"

We don't second-guess the experts — we use them. Every figure comes from the City's own commissioned study (Venue Solutions Group):

  • The $253M is VSG's own current-dollar line-item total; the $505M is VSG's own 20-year projection. We didn't recalculate them — we reconciled them.
  • The repair-vs-revenue split uses VSG's own category labels and its own High/Medium/Low priority grades. VSG itself calls the building "in good condition for its age."

So the disagreement isn't with the professionals — it's that the public is asked for $600M, above what the professionals' own 20-year plan totals, with no published breakdown of who pays for what. We're asking Council to follow the study it paid for. See the reconciliation.

"Aren't these upgrades the NBA's requirement, not Dundon's wish list?"

Even granting the league sets arena standards, that settles what gets built — not who pays. League-required or not, the suites, clubs, and premium areas generate revenue the operator keeps. "The NBA requires it" is an argument for the team — which just sold for ~$4.25B — to invest in its own business, the way any company meets its industry's standards. It isn't an argument for taxpayers to fund the revenue-generating work and let the operator collect on it. Keeping the building "first-class" is, in fact, already the operator's contractual duty. See who captures the upside.

"It hosts concerts, the Fire, the Final Four, Disney on Ice — doesn't everyone benefit, not just the Blazers?"

It's true the building hosts far more than 41 Blazers games a year — and that argument actually cuts against public funding, not for it:

  • Every one of those events — concerts, the Portland Fire, the women's Final Four, Disney on Ice, comedians — is booked and run by Rip City Management, the Dundon-owned operator, which keeps the revenue: rentals, concessions, premium seating, sponsorships, and parking on non-Blazer nights.
  • So "it's not just the Blazers" means the private upside is bigger, not the public's. The public's slice of a sold-out concert is a thin parking/user-fee sliver; the commercial revenue flows to the operator.
  • If the renovation lands bigger acts and more dates, that grows the operator's business — the single strongest reason the operator, not the taxpayer, should fund the revenue-generating upgrades.

"Multi-purpose venue" is real — and it's exactly why the entity that collects on every event should pay for the parts of the renovation that make those events more profitable. See who operates the building and keeps the revenue and where the revenue goes.

"Doesn't a major-league team bring tourism, taxes, and civic pride worth public money?"

The team has real civic value — and we want to keep it. But "civic value" is the argument used for every subsidy, and it doesn't hold up as a blank check:

  • Independent economists have studied arena and stadium subsidies for decades and consistently find they don't return their cost to the public treasury; the spending mostly shifts dollars from other local entertainment rather than creating them.
  • Tax revenue "the team generates" largely substitutes for spending that would happen anyway. If officials claim a real return to schools and services, they should publish the General Fund ROI model — not just assert it.
  • Civic pride is genuine, and it isn't reduced by negotiating a fair lease. We can keep the team and protect the public.

If the renovation truly pays the public back, that case can be made in numbers — and Council should require it first. See where the money goes.

"Renovations are inevitable — the work gets done eventually. Why fight it?"

We're not fighting the renovation — we support fixing the Moda Center. "Inevitable" answers whether the work happens; our question is who pays and on what terms. The work getting done doesn't mean taxpayers fund the revenue-generating parts with no lease, no rent, and no repayment. The 2024 bridge lease already proved it can get done with the operator funding capital and the public's share capped. See the bridge lease vs. the proposed deal.

"Won't Dundon spend it better than politicians? Government wastes money — just get it done."

If private spending really is more efficient, that's an argument for the operator to fund and run the project with its own money — not for the public to hand over $600M and hope. And "government wastes money" is a reason to attach strings — a real lease, rent, revenue share, repayment, audits — not to drop them. "Just get it done" still leaves the terms unanswered, and a fair lease doesn't slow a deal: it's what every other city negotiated while keeping its team. See the deals analysis.

"Why not just meet in the middle? $100M apart isn't much on a project this size."

"Meet in the middle" assumes the only variable is the total. It isn't. About $550M with no lease, no rent, and no repayment is a worse deal for the public than $253M with a fair lease that shares revenue and protects against relocation. Negotiate the terms, not just the number. See the renovation analysis and the bridge-lease baseline.

"Are you trying to kill the deal or hurt the Blazers?"

No. We're Blazers fans. We support keeping the team in Portland and renovating the Moda Center. The only question is whether Council signs a blank check or negotiates a market-rate lease for a publicly owned building before committing public money.

"What should Council disclose before voting?"

At minimum: the full renovation scope and the VSG line-item assessment; the reconciliation of the $253M current-dollar scope, the $505M 20-year plan, and the $600M ask; a draft lease; a revenue waterfall showing who receives every major arena revenue stream; a General Fund ROI model; audited annual disclosure; and relocation protection tied to the full public investment.

"What's the real total public cost?"

The state authorized $365M in bonds, but debt service is estimated at $531–$623M over 20 years. Add the City's $120M capital plus ~$280M of maintenance (~$14M/yr × 20), the County's reported ~$88M, and the all-in public commitment runs to $1.02B–$1.11B — more than $1 billion. (The Oregonian, more conservatively, estimates taxpayer cost alone could exceed $880M.) That's why the lease terms matter: the public should know what it gets back before the money is committed. See the funding stack.

"Why does the return need to reach the General Fund, not the Arena Fund?"

The Oregon Arena Fund is dedicated to arena expenses — construction, renovation, operations, maintenance, debt service. Money routed there can help pay arena costs, but it does not fund schools, parks, public safety, or housing. A genuine public return should reach the General Fund, not just recirculate inside the project.

"What happened to the 2024 bridge-lease protections?"

The bridge lease the City already signed required the operator to fund capital with the City's share capped at ≤50% of the operator's spend (matched to Blazers game-day revenue), promised no upfront City investment, no City debt, and no new taxes, and required repayment if the team left (§10.9 / §10.9.1). Council should explain why the 2026 terms should be weaker than the deal it already negotiated. See the bridge-lease baseline.

Act now

The City's own 2023 study shows the Rose Quarter returns about $11.3 million a year in Blazers-related taxes — against a public commitment approaching $1 billion. That is a subsidy, not an investment. SB 1501 is now law, passed without requiring rent, private capital, or revenue sharing, and Portland City Council is the last stop. The Council must negotiate the lease terms before handing over the money. Portland owns the Moda Center — that ownership is leverage, but only if the Council uses it. If they sign before the public can compare the lease to low, average, and high market benchmarks, the leverage is gone forever. Email all 12 Portland City Councilors now.

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SB 1501 legislative archive

This campaign began by tracking the state bill. SB 1501 is now law, but its legislative history still matters because it explains why Council must negotiate the lease in public.

What the amendments changed
  • "Plaza" deleted from the Arena Fund: removed a boundary around what public money can be spent on.
  • "Sports and entertainment district" created: added a legal zone tied to a map drawn by the Blazers' management company.
  • District-wide tax capture: employee income taxes from new Rose Quarter businesses can be redirected from the General Fund to the Arena Fund.
  • Blazers given right to sue the public authority: the team can seek injunctive relief against the joint authority.
  • Public downgraded from "operator" to "overseer": the amendment weakened public control language over the building.
  • Tax confidentiality overridden: the bill authorizes use of tax information that is normally protected under ORS 314.835.
  • Ownership ambiguity: Section 5(2)(b) creates an escape hatch if the state does not own the arena.
  • Advisory-only negotiator: Section 6(2)(b) says the review does not require any particular term in the final agreement.
The amendment that never got a vote
  • Sen. Pham introduced the -5 amendment, which would have required private capital from ownership and revenue sharing with the General Fund.
  • Those were the provisions that would have changed the economics of the deal for the ownership group.
  • The amendment was acknowledged, but it was never debated and never voted on.
  • Read the -3 amendment text on OLIS →
How the Arena Fund recycles public money
  • The public pays state bond costs, plus City and County commitments, to renovate the arena through redirected public revenue.
  • The renovation increases the value of the surrounding Rose Quarter district.
  • As new businesses open in the district, their employee wage withholdings can be redirected from the General Fund to the Arena Fund.
  • The Arena Fund then services renovation debt and arena costs, using tax revenue that would otherwise fund public services.
  • The capture continues until the later of lease expiration or all bonds are retired, which is why General Fund return must be explicit in the lease.

Who we are

We're a grassroots group of Blazers fans who want Portland to negotiate like a serious public owner. We love this team, and we expect a lease that respects the people paying for the building.

We started this campaign because no one else was making the case that Portland already owns the Moda Center, that every other city negotiated rent and revenue sharing, and that relocation shouldn't be treated as proven leverage without evidence. The early reporting was thin, and the timeline left little room for public scrutiny. So we built this site, read the bill, ran the numbers, and started organizing.

If the Council signs without negotiating, the leverage is gone forever. That's why we're here.

Edan Krolewicz · Jonathan Pulvers

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